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Gatecoin - bitcoin & ethereum token exchange

Founded in 2013 by former investment bankers, Gatecoin is a bitcoin and ethereum token exchange. Through our intuitive trading platform we enable individuals and institutions around the world to trade and invest in cryptocurrency and blockchain assets. Licensed as a Hong Kong MSO to govern our forex activities, we enforce strict KYC and AML compliance policies. Thanks to our international payments network we offer fiat currency transfers in HKD, EUR and USD.

FNB and Forex Payments to overseas Crypto Exchanges

Hi, is anyone else having problems with FNB forex payments to Overseas exchanges? Recent payments to Bittrex & Kraken was sent back.
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Receive FOREX Payments TransferWise vs FX International

Do you have any experience on using FX International (from amex) to receive payments from customers from different countries with different currencies than USD?
I'm actually using TranferWise, but I see that you get reward points if you use FX International. Do you know if there a comparison chart anywhere to check the rates/fees differencies?
submitted by michelemaro to personalfinance [link] [comments]

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution
The Singaporean central bank says it has developed a blockchain-powered prototype for foreign exchange payments – and wants other central banks to follow suit.
The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) stated, in a press release, that its new solution was developed in conjunction with JPMorgan and state-owned Singaporean holding company Temasek, and is "currently undergoing industry testing," with a view to integrating the solution with "commercial blockchain applications."
The MAS says it will showcase successful applications for its solution at the Singapore FinTech Festival and Singapore Week of Innovation and Technology (SFF x SWITCH) 2019, which began earlier today, and will run until November 15.
Per the press release, MAS' chief fintech officer Sopnendu Mohanty stated, "We hope this development will encourage other central banks to conduct similar trials. We will make the technical specifications publicly accessible to accelerate these efforts."
And the regulator added that its solution will "offer additional features to support use cases such as Delivery-versus-Payment (DvP) settlement with private exchanges, conditional payments and escrow for trade, as well as payment commitments for trade finance."
Mohanty added,
"We look forward to linking up with more blockchain networks to improve cross-border connectivity. This will be a big step forward in making cross-border transactions faster, cheaper and safer."
MAS is currently working on Project Ubin, a wide-ranging test of commercial viability and value of blockchain-based payments networks. The central bank says the project is now in its fifth stage.
The bank says that it and its partners have "engaged more than 40 financial and non-financial firms to explore the potential benefits of the network."
submitted by dwoinik to u/dwoinik [link] [comments]

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution submitted by GTE_IO to gteio [link] [comments]

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution

Singapore & JPMorgan Create Forex Payments Blockchain Solution submitted by moneyshouters to u/moneyshouters [link] [comments]

Forex payment system

It includes the knowledge of the use of the real-time Economic Calendar influencing all critical events and releases, News and market analysis on the FX market.
#brokersguru #FanaraFilippo #best_forex_brokers
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Shadow Brokers hacking group release files questioning safety of forex payments

Shadow Brokers hacking group release files questioning safety of forex payments submitted by thurmanalbrekht to hacking [link] [comments]

No, the British did not steal $45 trillion from India

This is an updated copy of the version on BadHistory. I plan to update it in accordance with the feedback I got.
I'd like to thank two people who will remain anonymous for helping me greatly with this post (you know who you are)
Three years ago a festschrift for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri was published by Shubhra Chakrabarti, a history teacher at the University of Delhi and Utsa Patnaik, a Marxist economist who taught at JNU until 2010.
One of the essays in the festschirt by Utsa Patnaik was an attempt to quantify the "drain" undergone by India during British Rule. Her conclusion? Britain robbed India of $45 trillion (or £9.2 trillion) during their 200 or so years of rule. This figure was immensely popular, and got republished in several major news outlets (here, here, here, here (they get the number wrong) and more recently here), got a mention from the Minister of External Affairs & returns 29,100 results on Google. There's also plenty of references to it here on Reddit.
Patnaik is not the first to calculate such a figure. Angus Maddison thought it was £100 million, Simon Digby said £1 billion, Javier Estaban said £40 million see Roy (2019). The huge range of figures should set off some alarm bells.
So how did Patnaik calculate this (shockingly large) figure? Well, even though I don't have access to the festschrift, she conveniently has written an article detailing her methodology here. Let's have a look.
How exactly did the British manage to diddle us and drain our wealth’ ? was the question that Basudev Chatterjee (later editor of a volume in the Towards Freedom project) had posed to me 50 years ago when we were fellow-students abroad.
This is begging the question.
After decades of research I find that using India’s commodity export surplus as the measure and applying an interest rate of 5%, the total drain from 1765 to 1938, compounded up to 2016, comes to £9.2 trillion; since $4.86 exchanged for £1 those days, this sum equals about $45 trillion.
This is completely meaningless. To understand why it's meaningless consider India's annual coconut exports. These are almost certainly a surplus but the surplus in trade is countered by the other country buying the product (indeed, by definition, trade surpluses contribute to the GDP of a nation which hardly plays into intuitive conceptualisations of drain).
Furthermore, Dewey (2019) critiques the 5% interest rate.
She [Patnaik] consistently adopts statistical assumptions (such as compound interest at a rate of 5% per annum over centuries) that exaggerate the magnitude of the drain
Moving on:
The exact mechanism of drain, or transfers from India to Britain was quite simple.
Drain theory possessed the political merit of being easily grasped by a nation of peasants. [...] No other idea could arouse people than the thought that they were being taxed so that others in far off lands might live in comfort. [...] It was, therefore, inevitable that the drain theory became the main staple of nationalist political agitation during the Gandhian era.
- Chandra et al. (1989)
The key factor was Britain’s control over our taxation revenues combined with control over India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its booming commodity export surplus with the world. Simply put, Britain used locally raised rupee tax revenues to pay for its net import of goods, a highly abnormal use of budgetary funds not seen in any sovereign country.
The issue with figures like these is they all make certain methodological assumptions that are impossible to prove. From Roy in Frankema et al. (2019):
the "drain theory" of Indian poverty cannot be tested with evidence, for several reasons. First, it rests on the counterfactual that any money saved on account of factor payments abroad would translate into domestic investment, which can never be proved. Second, it rests on "the primitive notion that all payments to foreigners are "drain"", that is, on the assumption that these payments did not contribute to domestic national income to the equivalent extent (Kumar 1985, 384; see also Chaudhuri 1968). Again, this cannot be tested. [...] Fourth, while British officers serving India did receive salaries that were many times that of the average income in India, a paper using cross-country data shows that colonies with better paid officers were governed better (Jones 2013).
Indeed, drain theory rests on some very weak foundations. This, in of itself, should be enough to dismiss any of the other figures that get thrown out. Nonetheless, I felt it would be a useful exercise to continue exploring Patnaik's take on drain theory.
The East India Company from 1765 onwards allocated every year up to one-third of Indian budgetary revenues net of collection costs, to buy a large volume of goods for direct import into Britain, far in excess of that country’s own needs.
So what's going on here? Well Roy (2019) explains it better:
Colonial India ran an export surplus, which, together with foreign investment, was used to pay for services purchased from Britain. These payments included interest on public debt, salaries, and pensions paid to government offcers who had come from Britain, salaries of managers and engineers, guaranteed profts paid to railway companies, and repatriated business profts. How do we know that any of these payments involved paying too much? The answer is we do not.
So what was really happening is the government was paying its workers for services (as well as guaranteeing profits - to promote investment - something the GoI does today Dalal (2019), and promoting business in India), and those workers were remitting some of that money to Britain. This is hardly a drain (unless, of course, Indian diaspora around the world today are "draining" it). In some cases, the remittances would take the form of goods (as described) see Chaudhuri (1983):
It is obvious that these debit items were financed through the export surplus on merchandise account, and later, when railway construction started on a large scale in India, through capital import. Until 1833 the East India Company followed a cumbersome method in remitting the annual home charges. This was to purchase export commodities in India out of revenue, which were then shipped to London and the proceeds from their sale handed over to the home treasury.
While Roy's earlier point argues better paid officers governed better, it is honestly impossible to say what part of the repatriated export surplus was a drain, and what was not. However calling all of it a drain is definitely misguided.
It's worth noting that Patnaik seems to make no attempt to quantify the benefits of the Raj either, Dewey (2019)'s 2nd criticism:
she [Patnaik] consistently ignores research that would tend to cut the economic impact of the drain down to size, such as the work on the sources of investment during the industrial revolution (which shows that industrialisation was financed by the ploughed-back profits of industrialists) or the costs of empire school (which stresses the high price of imperial defence)

Since tropical goods were highly prized in other cold temperate countries which could never produce them, in effect these free goods represented international purchasing power for Britain which kept a part for its own use and re-exported the balance to other countries in Europe and North America against import of food grains, iron and other goods in which it was deficient.
Re-exports necessarily adds value to goods when the goods are processed and when the goods are transported. The country with the largest navy at the time would presumably be in very good stead to do the latter.
The British historians Phyllis Deane and WA Cole presented an incorrect estimate of Britain’s 18th-19th century trade volume, by leaving out re-exports completely. I found that by 1800 Britain’s total trade was 62% higher than their estimate, on applying the correct definition of trade including re-exports, that is used by the United Nations and by all other international organisations.
While interesting, and certainly expected for such an old book, re-exporting necessarily adds value to goods.
When the Crown took over from the Company, from 1861 a clever system was developed under which all of India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its fast-rising commodity export surplus with the world, was intercepted and appropriated by Britain. As before up to a third of India’s rising budgetary revenues was not spent domestically but was set aside as ‘expenditure abroad’.
So, what does this mean? Britain appropriated all of India's earnings, and then spent a third of it aboard? Not exactly. She is describing home charges see Roy (2019) again:
Some of the expenditures on defense and administration were made in sterling and went out of the country. This payment by the government was known as the Home Charges. For example, interest payment on loans raised to finance construction of railways and irrigation works, pensions paid to retired officers, and purchase of stores, were payments in sterling. [...] almost all money that the government paid abroad corresponded to the purchase of a service from abroad. [...] The balance of payments system that emerged after 1800 was based on standard business principles. India bought something and paid for it. State revenues were used to pay for wages of people hired abroad, pay for interest on loans raised abroad, and repatriation of profits on foreign investments coming into India. These were legitimate market transactions.
Indeed, if paying for what you buy is drain, then several billions of us are drained every day.
The Secretary of State for India in Council, based in London, invited foreign importers to deposit with him the payment (in gold, sterling and their own currencies) for their net imports from India, and these gold and forex payments disappeared into the yawning maw of the SoS’s account in the Bank of England.
It should be noted that India having two heads was beneficial, and encouraged investment per Roy (2019):
The fact that the India Office in London managed a part of the monetary system made India creditworthy, stabilized its currency, and encouraged foreign savers to put money into railways and private enterprise in India. Current research on the history of public debt shows that stable and large colonies found it easier to borrow abroad than independent economies because the investors trusted the guarantee of the colonist powers.

Against India’s net foreign earnings he issued bills, termed Council bills (CBs), to an equivalent rupee value. The rate (between gold-linked sterling and silver rupee) at which the bills were issued, was carefully adjusted to the last farthing, so that foreigners would never find it more profitable to ship financial gold as payment directly to Indians, compared to using the CB route. Foreign importers then sent the CBs by post or by telegraph to the export houses in India, that via the exchange banks were paid out of the budgeted provision of sums under ‘expenditure abroad’, and the exporters in turn paid the producers (peasants and artisans) from whom they sourced the goods.
Sunderland (2013) argues CBs had two main roles (and neither were part of a grand plot to keep gold out of India):
Council bills had two roles. They firstly promoted trade by handing the IO some control of the rate of exchange and allowing the exchange banks to remit funds to India and to hedge currency transaction risks. They also enabled the Indian government to transfer cash to England for the payment of its UK commitments.

The United Nations (1962) historical data for 1900 to 1960, show that for three decades up to 1928 (and very likely earlier too) India posted the second highest merchandise export surplus in the world, with USA in the first position. Not only were Indians deprived of every bit of the enormous international purchasing power they had earned over 175 years, even its rupee equivalent was not issued to them since not even the colonial government was credited with any part of India’s net gold and forex earnings against which it could issue rupees. The sleight-of-hand employed, namely ‘paying’ producers out of their own taxes, made India’s export surplus unrequited and constituted a tax-financed drain to the metropolis, as had been correctly pointed out by those highly insightful classical writers, Dadabhai Naoroji and RCDutt.
It doesn't appear that others appreciate their insight Roy (2019):
K. N. Chaudhuri rightly calls such practice ‘confused’ economics ‘coloured by political feelings’.

Surplus budgets to effect such heavy tax-financed transfers had a severe employment–reducing and income-deflating effect: mass consumption was squeezed in order to release export goods. Per capita annual foodgrains absorption in British India declined from 210 kg. during the period 1904-09, to 157 kg. during 1937-41, and to only 137 kg by 1946.
Dewey (1978) points out reliability issues with Indian agriculutural statistics, however this calorie decline persists to this day. Some of it is attributed to less food being consumed at home Smith (2015), a lower infectious disease burden Duh & Spears (2016) and diversified diets Vankatesh et al. (2016).
If even a part of its enormous foreign earnings had been credited to it and not entirely siphoned off, India could have imported modern technology to build up an industrial structure as Japan was doing.
This is, unfortunately, impossible to prove. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication that India would've united (this is arguably more plausible than the given counterfactual1). Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been nuked in WW2, much like Japan. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been invaded by lizard people, much like Japan. The list continues eternally.
Nevertheless, I will charitably examine the given counterfactual anyway. Did pre-colonial India have industrial potential? The answer is a resounding no.
From Gupta (1980):
This article starts from the premise that while economic categories - the extent of commodity production, wage labour, monetarisation of the economy, etc - should be the basis for any analysis of the production relations of pre-British India, it is the nature of class struggles arising out of particular class alignments that finally gives the decisive twist to social change. Arguing on this premise, and analysing the available evidence, this article concludes that there was little potential for industrial revolution before the British arrived in India because, whatever might have been the character of economic categories of that period, the class relations had not sufficiently matured to develop productive forces and the required class struggle for a 'revolution' to take place.
A view echoed in Raychaudhuri (1983):
Yet all of this did not amount to an economic situation comparable to that of western Europe on the eve of the industrial revolution. Her technology - in agriculture as well as manufacturers - had by and large been stagnant for centuries. [...] The weakness of the Indian economy in the mid-eighteenth century, as compared to pre-industrial Europe was not simply a matter of technology and commercial and industrial organization. No scientific or geographical revolution formed part of the eighteenth-century Indian's historical experience. [...] Spontaneous movement towards industrialisation is unlikely in such a situation.
So now we've established India did not have industrial potential, was India similar to Japan just before the Meiji era? The answer, yet again, unsurprisingly, is no. Japan's economic situation was not comparable to India's, which allowed for Japan to finance its revolution. From Yasuba (1986):
All in all, the Japanese standard of living may not have been much below the English standard of living before industrialization, and both of them may have been considerably higher than the Indian standard of living. We can no longer say that Japan started from a pathetically low economic level and achieved a rapid or even "miraculous" economic growth. Japan's per capita income was almost as high as in Western Europe before industrialization, and it was possible for Japan to produce surplus in the Meiji Period to finance private and public capital formation.
The circumstances that led to Meiji Japan were extremely unique. See Tomlinson (1985):
Most modern comparisons between India and Japan, written by either Indianists or Japanese specialists, stress instead that industrial growth in Meiji Japan was the product of unique features that were not reproducible elsewhere. [...] it is undoubtably true that Japan's progress to industrialization has been unique and unrepeatable
So there you have it. Unsubstantiated statistical assumptions, calling any number you can a drain & assuming a counterfactual for no good reason gets you this $45 trillion number. Hopefully that's enough to bury it in the ground.
1. Several authors have affirmed that Indian identity is a colonial artefact. For example see Rajan 1969:
Perhaps the single greatest and most enduring impact of British rule over India is that it created an Indian nation, in the modern political sense. After centuries of rule by different dynasties overparts of the Indian sub-continent, and after about 100 years of British rule, Indians ceased to be merely Bengalis, Maharashtrians,or Tamils, linguistically and culturally.
or see Bryant 2000:
But then, it would be anachronistic to condemn eighteenth-century Indians, who served the British, as collaborators, when the notion of 'democratic' nationalism or of an Indian 'nation' did not then exist. [...] Indians who fought for them, differed from the Europeans in having a primary attachment to a non-belligerent religion, family and local chief, which was stronger than any identity they might have with a more remote prince or 'nation'.


Chakrabarti, Shubra & Patnaik, Utsa (2018). Agrarian and other histories: Essays for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri. Colombia University Press
Hickel, Jason (2018). How the British stole $45 trillion from India. The Guardian
Bhuyan, Aroonim & Sharma, Krishan (2019). The Great Loot: How the British stole $45 trillion from India. Indiapost
Monbiot, George (2020). English Landowners have stolen our rights. It is time to reclaim them. The Guardian
Tsjeng, Zing (2020). How Britain Stole $45 trillion from India with trains | Empires of Dirt. Vice
Chaudhury, Dipanjan (2019). British looted $45 trillion from India in today’s value: Jaishankar. The Economic Times
Roy, Tirthankar (2019). How British rule changed India's economy: The Paradox of the Raj. Palgrave Macmillan
Patnaik, Utsa (2018). How the British impoverished India. Hindustan Times
Tuovila, Alicia (2019). Expenditure method. Investopedia
Dewey, Clive (2019). Changing the guard: The dissolution of the nationalist–Marxist orthodoxy in the agrarian and agricultural history of India. The Indian Economic & Social History Review
Chandra, Bipan et al. (1989). India's Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947. Penguin Books
Frankema, Ewout & Booth, Anne (2019). Fiscal Capacity and the Colonial State in Asia and Africa, c. 1850-1960. Cambridge University Press
Dalal, Sucheta (2019). IL&FS Controversy: Centre is Paying Up on Sovereign Guarantees to ADB, KfW for Group's Loan. TheWire
Chaudhuri, K.N. (1983). X - Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments (1757–1947). Cambridge University Press
Sunderland, David (2013). Financing the Raj: The City of London and Colonial India, 1858-1940. Boydell Press
Dewey, Clive (1978). Patwari and Chaukidar: Subordinate officials and the reliability of India’s agricultural statistics. Athlone Press
Smith, Lisa (2015). The great Indian calorie debate: Explaining rising undernourishment during India’s rapid economic growth. Food Policy
Duh, Josephine & Spears, Dean (2016). Health and Hunger: Disease, Energy Needs, and the Indian Calorie Consumption Puzzle. The Economic Journal
Vankatesh, P. et al. (2016). Relationship between Food Production and Consumption Diversity in India – Empirical Evidences from Cross Section Analysis. Agricultural Economics Research Review
Gupta, Shaibal (1980). Potential of Industrial Revolution in Pre-British India. Economic and Political Weekly
Raychaudhuri, Tapan (1983). I - The mid-eighteenth-century background. Cambridge University Press
Yasuba, Yasukichi (1986). Standard of Living in Japan Before Industrialization: From what Level did Japan Begin? A Comment. The Journal of Economic History
Tomblinson, B.R. (1985). Writing History Sideways: Lessons for Indian Economic Historians from Meiji Japan. Cambridge University Press
Rajan, M.S. (1969). The Impact of British Rule in India. Journal of Contemporary History
Bryant, G.J. (2000). Indigenous Mercenaries in the Service of European Imperialists: The Case of the Sepoys in the Early British Indian Army, 1750-1800. War in History
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Why Pakistan may face a currency crisis

EDIT: To all those replying in the thread below, please be aware that u/MSchumacher1 aka u/MrSerious1 is an alt of u/IndoAryaI aka /u/glassganapati aka Aviator Boy, who is a racist troll that mods have had to deal with in the past. Please bear that in mind before choosing to respond to him.
The purpose of this post is to lay out what the causes of Pakistan's BoP problems might be, using real financial data as the source.
From the State Bank of Pakistan's 2017 Annual report (, we have the information on public and non-public external debt stocks, their duration, and FY17 debt service for those stocks. Based on that information, I have also gone ahead and calculated projected FY18 debt service for Pakistan, by loan source. The method for that calculation is as follows:
(FY17 debt service - one-off payments) * (1 + (FY17 change / FY17 debt stock)) = FY18 debt service
The below table provides a summary:
Loan Source FY17 debt stock and FY17 change Duration FY17 debt service (principal + interest) Projected FY18 debt service
Public debt
Other Bilateral (assume this is all China) $5.8B (+$0.5B) 12-30 years $510M + 476M = ~$1B; $510M was one-time payment ~$500-600M
Paris Club (akin to the OECD, plus Russia, minus a few members) $12.0B (+$1B) 20-40 years ~$1.3B ~$1.5B
Commercial Loans $4.8B (+$3.9B) 2-3 years ~$550M ~$2.5B
Multilateral (ADB, World Bank, AIIB, IMF etc) $33.7B (+$2.2B) 2-24 years ~$1.5B ~$1.6B
SUKUK and other bonds $4.8B (+$0B) 5 years $1.1B $1.1B
Non-public debt
Total Non-public debt $20.5B (+3.9B) varies ~$1B ~$1.2B
From the above table, it is apparent that while China has certainly made large loans to Pakistan in recent years, because of the long duration of those loans, China is not responsible for most of Pakistan's debt service burden. In contrast, the main reason Pakistan is anticipating a payments crisis is an overhang from the $4B of short-duration commercial loans it took in Q4 FY17. These loans have a repayment period of 2-3 years, which means they are driving a large spike in Pakistan's forex payments for FY18, and the proximate reason why Pakistan is experiencing problems servicing its debt.
Now, to be fair, $500M of the $3.9B spike in commercial debt did come from Chinese banks (mainly ICBC). And, if the full package of $40B of CPEC loans/investments goes through, Pakistani repayments to China may also cross $2-3B per year, in which case CPEC would become a large source of Pakistan's debt burden. But as that has yet to fully happen, it is disingenuous to blame China for Pakistan's BoP problem. Instead, blame must be laid at the sudden spike in commercial debt - mostly issued by Western banks - the Pakistani government borrowed at the end of 2017.
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Why XRP will hit $100 as a minimum upon full adoption.

This is just my current analysis, do not, repeat, do not take it as investment advice, do your own research.
Let’s picture the scene in 3 years in which XRP is now dominating half of the FOREX payment volume, so around $2.5tn per day.
Market makers and exchanges decide the price based upon buy/sell orders. To the bank or payment processor it doesn’t matter what the price of XRP is, as long as there is enough liquidity to perform their transactions. xRapid executes the buy order at the start, and then places a buy order at the destination at current market rates, puts them both in to escrow to secure, then settles it for both parties, all in 1 second.
You’re a market maker, a retail investor, you have XRP and are on an exchange with your XRP, and set a level at which you want to sell your XRP. This is where the banks and payment processors source their liquidity.
As things stand right now there’s about $300,000,000 volume per day on the XRP ledger. You have to place your buy/sell orders in accordance with the volume of trade taking place. Volume = demand. If there is no volume, it means there isn’t much demand at the current price. So we can see that volume dictates the price. You have to lower your price to be attractive to buyers.
Now, in this fictitious 3 years time you’ve instead got a guaranteed daily volume in the trillions of dollars, no matter what the price of XRP is as the buyers don’t care, you’ve got guaranteed buyers. Everyone decides to place their sell orders at 2x the current price because they absolutely know that it will be bought, as the buyer doesn’t care what the price is, as long as they can conduct their transaction.
So what mechanism is there in place to prevent the market deciding that 0.0000000001XRP is worth $1bn? Volume and demand. If too many people place high buy/sell orders then the ability to sell them is reduced because there isn’t enough volume to support every coin available selling at such a high level, so the price retreats to a stable level where every buyer or seller is virtually guaranteed to buy/sell based on the volume available, spread amongst the market makers.
So, the hard math. 100bn XRP divided by $5tn volume = $50 per coin, and assuming every coin is in the circulating supply, at half FOREX current daily trade volume. We can assume this as a minimum at 50% adoption, but that does not take in to account XRP in offline wallets, whales, and not in the liquid supply. If we assume full adoption of FOREX, then we can double that to $100 before taking in to account offline XRP, HODLers, etc.
This also excludes other use cases such as domestic payments. Cobalt will be faster, cheaper and more reliable than VISA’s current payment volume in domestic markets, so there are inroads there for XRP too, assuming VISA don’t attempt to clone the format.
So, in my opinion, at full adoption, $100 per XRP will ultimately be the lowest value of XRP.
Taking in to account offline wallets, speculative investments, other use cases, coin burn, fomo etc, I think it’s then going to be up to investors when to decide to cash out as it’s going to push it up further, but far too many variables to even begin to understand this early in the game.
I don’t see $1000+ per XRP as being impossible, but I do think expectations at that level are extremely risky if you’re planning that point as your exit strategy. If your exit strategy is $100 I think it’s a safe bet, anything above that will be up to investors to decide when to pull it out, because if everyone pulls out at the same time the volatility might kick in just as it has with BTC in recent weeks.
On a personal note I’m fully bullish for $100+, and again this is just my personal analysis. Anything can happen, regulation might kill it, hacks might screw with it, another global recession might be around the corner, expensive natural disasters, you get the idea. HODL.
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Bitcoin/LN payment option for funding forex trading account.

Bitcoin/LN payment option for funding forex trading account. submitted by stairwaytomoon to Bitcoin [link] [comments]

Bitcoin/LN payment option for funding forex trading account.

Bitcoin/LN payment option for funding forex trading account. submitted by stairwaytomoon to lightningnetwork [link] [comments]

Forex firm Travelex to default on coupon payment

Forex firm Travelex to default on coupon payment submitted by ocamlmycaml to EconNews [link] [comments]

Forex firm Travelex to default on coupon payment

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[Business] - Forex firm Travelex to default on coupon payment

[Business] - Forex firm Travelex to default on coupon payment submitted by AutoNewsAdmin to REUTERSauto [link] [comments]

Questions about Forex and fee payment abroad for Masters

Hello india! I need some assistance from students studying abroad. I'm about to commence my Masters in Environment in Australia and I need to pay the first semester fee. I have a Bank of India Visa card and my parents have Yes Bank MasterCard but my consultant recommended a Goniyo card from DCB Bank. (The guy will come to my house in 2 hours to make my card). Apparently, they don't charge forex fee and no hidden costs and allow a zero balance current account. Does BOI or Yes bank charge additional money for fee payment? Should I go with DCB Bank? Others who have paid their course fee abroad, what's your take on this? Please help me out. Cheers :)
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Payments and Forex App Drives User Engagement by Delivering Contextual News on Unique Topics at Scale using Contify’s News Feed APIs

Payments and Forex App Drives User Engagement by Delivering Contextual News on Unique Topics at Scale using Contify’s News Feed APIs submitted by Contify to u/Contify [link] [comments]

Bridge Project: The Stellar-Based Decentralized Payment Solution & Digital Currency Made For The Forex Industry

🔑 Bridge ecosystem is aiming to help traders save on service charges incurred while interacting with foreign exchanges and become the go-to cost-effective payment gateway for Forex traders.
🔑 The BD token is also built to function on top of #Stellar blockchain which makes it’s instantly fast and secure.
🔑 The token would act as the fuel for the Bridge ecosystem as well as the #PaymentGateway.
🔑Bridge aims to replace traditional payment systems and minimize surplus fees that occur in-trading with Forex Market.
🔑 The token system also eradicates petty banking policies and control protocols that may arise due to certain regulatory restrictions from financial institutions in certain jurisdictions.
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[Tech] -'s Chinabank Payments fined over forex transfers | REUTERS

[Tech] -'s Chinabank Payments fined over forex transfers | REUTERS submitted by AutoNewspaperAdmin to AutoNewspaper [link] [comments]

[Tech] -'s Chinabank Payments fined over forex transfers

[Tech] -'s Chinabank Payments fined over forex transfers submitted by AutoNewsAdmin to REUTERSauto [link] [comments]

Trump’s Economic Letdown, Forex Market Pump and Payments War Escalation: eToro Market Update

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Xcard have been implementing solutions for exchanges, banks, stocks, and forex brokers, payment processors and multilateral trading facilities

Management, processing and storage of user data at XCARD will be subject to GDPRcompliant policies. A data protection officer will be named as responsible authority for all data protection and privacy issues and first contact for user inquiries. Further information/documents about GDPR compliance of XCARD are available upon request.
As of the date of publication of this Whitepaper, MBM Tokens have no known or potential future uses (other than on the XCARD Platform which is to be developed) and cannot be sold or otherwise traded on third-party exchanges.
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